Understanding youth militancy in Bangladesh

How do militant groups approach young people for recruitment?There are various ways to reach, indoctrinate and radicalise the youth. In recent years, the internet has become the primary means to reach out to sympathetic individuals all around the world. By internet I am not only referring to a few websites but also various social media. Until the emergence of ISIS in 2014, transnational terrorist groups didn’t use the internet for recruitment but as a means to communicate with their members. As tech-savvy youths joined ISIS, it became very easy for the organisation to spread its reach. A simple conversation with a friend or stranger can also be the beginning of the radicalisation process.Exactly how do these organisations reach individuals?In many instances potential recruits are approached via social media sites and instant messaging services. Those who have grievances, a sense of alienation and occasional boredom are approached and offered a sort of counselling – a customised message tied with their personal situations with a political agenda. Sometimes, they are told how their current state is deeply connected to the moral and ethical degradation of society. This is an incremental process, rather than an overwhelming effort. That is why it is difficult to predict who might join the groups with certainty.

Unfortunately, the education system has never been the citadel of open discussions... If you restrict discussion on some issues, you are essentially restricting discussion of all issues

The militant groups have a tendency to reorganise, collaborate and expand their activities. Why do you think this is done?Militant groups, in Pakistan and elsewhere, have changed their names when they came under surveillance or were banned by the government. In some instances, the militant groups have split into smaller groups and taken new names so that they can operate under the radar. Conversely, sometimes, smaller groups came together to collaborate, cooperate and share resources. In Bangladesh, not only had the Islamist militant groups worked together but also have worked with insurgents from northeast India. This is done to pull their resources together and make use of the available opportunities. The continuous mutation process is an effective strategy of the militants for survival and operation.Do you think the government restricting the spread of certain kinds of information is a way forward?In this age, it is almost impossible to restrict flow of information – irrespective of the contents. In the past decades, there have been many efforts by Western countries to restrict the spread of terrorist messages via Internet. But there are arguments that these online sources shouldn’t be taken down but instead be tracked to see their messages, understand their strategies and monitor their plans; some have argued that the users should be monitored too. Each of these options has its downside. If the government restricts one way, there will be another way to spread these messages. It is necessary to monitor the ways of indoctrination, and the messages that transnational terrorist groups spread, but these are not sufficient to combat militancy in Bangladesh, or elsewhere.Do the militant groups have the same or similar targets?‘Militant groups’ is a catchall phrase. We need to make a distinction between local militant groups with somewhat national agenda and the transnational terrorist groups with global agenda. For the transnational terrorist groups, the global agenda comes first, although occasionally they provide a ‘national color’ for recruitment. There is a concurrence between their goals. But then there are contests among them too, on various issues including an ideal disposition of an “Islamic” state or an Islamic society. Local militant groups have contested each other previously. That’s why their targets are not necessarily the same.

Counterterrorism is not only military operations; denial cannot be a strategy.

How do you think that the government’s denial of IS affecting the security situation in our country?

I am quite puzzled by the insistence of the government, particularly after the Gulshan café attack, that there are no transnational terrorist connections to these attacks. The government seems to be working under the assumption that the presence of transnational terrorist groups means groups of people have arrived from outside. But, as is in other places, transnational terrorist groups are now recruiting locals to do their battle because they are succeeding in convincing some people that this is their battle too. Besides, recent revelations about some suspected militants currently missing show that they had travelled outside the country. The current strategy is affecting the security situation in many ways: the government may lose the confidence of citizens that it can address the situation; it might encourage militants to be more audacious; it affects the strategy - you cannot battle something that you consider doesn’t exist; and finally, the government is unable to make use of the help offered by other countries.Why do you think the extremism rose from 2013 onward?I think there are several factors that came to a head since 2012 that can be attributed to the growing strength of militancy in the country. These factors are both domestic and global. Globally, the emergence of ISIS, its apparent success in holding to a large swath of land and its ability to reach a global population via communication technology are important factors. If not equal in measure to ISIS, the regrouping of Al Qaeda under the name of AQIS has made an impact.Domestically, the counterterrorism strategy began to falter as the government apparently shifted its focus to counter its political rival that created space for militancy. The growing intolerant rhetoric in the mainstream politics and the controversial election of 2014 are important factors. The shrinking space for dissent and use of force, extrajudicial killings are factors. The violence by BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, especially the JI’s violence against the International Crimes tribunal verdicts, created an environment. The rise of the Shahbagh and Hefazat has also contributed to the schisms in the society within which the militancy is now thriving.There cannot be a simple correlation between one of the above factors and militancy per se –these have acted in some combination to create an enabling environment.Do you consider unemployment as a reason behind the youth joining militant forces?I don’t think you can singularly point to unemployment as a reason. This can be a contributory factor. Each year, at least 2.2 million individuals enter into the job market while only 700 thousand find jobs. This can become a vast pool of potential recruits, even if they are not now. 47% of youth with graduate and post-graduate degrees are unemployed in Bangladesh. It is really worrying; we don’t have to paint them as ‘security threat’. But can you solve this problem without private investments? Why is the investment stagnated? Isn’t that an issue of politics that has nothing to do with militancy? We also need to discuss the quality of education at every level.Our educational institutions and society as a whole shy away from having open discussions on religion, sex, history, etc. What can we do on a cultural level to promote more harmony?Unfortunately, the education system has never been the citadel of open discussions. But the students and teachers had managed to carve out space for debates on controversial issues. The tradition of public debate and dissension seem to have disappeared. Why? How? These are the questions we must ask first. If you restrict discussion on some issues, you are essentially restricting discussion of all issues. Without a vibrant civil society, without a free press, without an inclusive politics you cannot expect to have debates.Anything you want to add to our conversation?When it comes to combating militancy, there is no silver bullet, let us not look for one. Shun scapegoating, finger pointing and blame games – political point scoring on the issue of national security is simply wrong. Counterterrorism is not only military operations; denial cannot be a strategy. Counterterrorism strategy needs to be comprehensive; it needs to include political aspects and addressing the enabling environment. Bangladeshi leaders ignore these at the peril of the nation.

News Courtesy:

https://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/1972/understanding-youth-militancy-in-bangladesh