Recognition of Qwami Degree: Will this lead to integration?

Earlier this month, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina announced that the government will take steps to recognise the Dawrah-e-Hadith of Qwami madrasah education as equivalent to a Masters degree. To that effect, the government issued an order and formed a committee headed by Hefazat chief Shah Ahmed Shafi. The decision was followed by debates among leading intellectuals and civil society members about the timing and motive behind the government's move.

Moyukh Mahtab of The Daily Star talks to Professor Ali Riaz, who has conducted research studies on madrasah education in the subcontinent and Professor Salimullah Khan, a well-known political commentator, about the controversy surrounding the issue.

Ali Riaz
Professor and Chair of the Department of Politics and Government, Illinois State University, USA

Professor Ali Riaz
TDS: There have been allegations that the government's move to recognise the Qwami degree, ahead of the elections, was a politically motivated decision. What are the political consequences of this?

Ali Riaz: To say that the government's decision to befriend Hefazat is based on political considerations is an understatement. Recognition of one of the certificates of the Qwami madrasah is primarily not about education but a manifestation of political expediency. The decision is not entirely prompted by the forthcoming election as many are suggesting instead it's a part of the ongoing tilt towards embracing a conservative interpretation of Islam. The gradual shift of the ruling party towards accommodating demands like these started in 2015 when the Prime Minister and other government officials warned bloggers to be "sensitive" about religion, particularly Islam. The amendments to the textbooks earlier this year was another clear indication of the warming up of the relationship between the Hefazat and the Awami League. Therefore, these moves are not only appeasement. The most important consequence of this move will be further decline of tolerance towards dissent, particularly on religious issues. In the past years, the state and the ruling party have stymied any expressions of dissent, through legal and extralegal measures. The rise of militancy has also contributed to this trend of intolerance. Add the furtherance of intolerance to the shrinking democratic space, you can understand the danger of it.

When Hefazat still claims to be standing for the establishment of Shariah law in a nominally secular country, what are the implications of this move in terms of our "secular" culture and minority rights?

The issue of "shariah" is quite complicated, as is the term "secular"; please note there are many interpretations to these terms. However, the question as to how minorities will be affected by the accommodation of these demands is quite important. Here "minority" shouldn't be understood as religious minority such as Hindu or Buddhist, because even Muslims who have disagreements with the interpretation of this group, now supported by the state, will face difficulties. I am afraid that in the absence of an environment which allows open discussions on religion, fundamental rights, democracy, and governance, citizens will be easily targeted and persecuted. This is an issue of equality in the eyes of law for all citizens. It is absent in the country. The recent moves of the government will add another layer to it. Unfortunately, some people will find it justified to limit the freedom of expression.

Some have pointed out that the recognition in itself is a good move to bring more than 14 lakh students who are currently out of the mainstream into the fold. Is the present syllabus of the Qwami system up to the standards of the educational system today?

The necessity to integrate the Qwami madrasahs into mainstream education cannot be disregarded. Those who have studied in these institutions have been arguing for a long time for a sincere effort to address the issue and formulate a strategy to this end. In my works on madrasah education over the past decade, I have repeatedly underscored the need for integration and establishing equivalence between regular and religious education. But many policymakers and members of the civil society alike ignored the necessity. Instead, there was undue and wholesale vilification of the Qwami education sector. Conversely, a section of Ulema have rejected this as a ploy to undermine these institutions.

"There is a lesson to be learned – reform must be an inclusive process with all parties buying into the objectives of these changes. Thus far, there seems to be little agreement on the objective and its limit. But neither the recognition of only the highest degree of the Qwami madrasah nor the manner as it is being done will address the issue. You have mentioned 14 lakh students in these institutions (I presume the number is larger), but how does the recognition of Taqmil or Dawrah-e-Hadith degree address all students' needs? Those who are in the other stages of Qwami madrasahs, for example Fazel or Sanubiah Ammah, will not benefit at all. This argument implies that all of those who are in the Qwami stream of education must attain post-graduate degrees to get any recogntion of their education. Can you say this about general education?

The government attempted to reform the Qwami madrasah system in general, particularly the curriculum; a policy was formulated in 2012 and a commission was appointed. But the effort completely failed. One other point, not only the curriculum and /or syllabi should be a matter of discussion, but the environment of these institutions, the quality of teaching, and above all, the goal of qwami education warrant discussion. On the other hand, equivalence of the subjects taught in Qwami madrassahs with general education hasn't been discussed at all.

The Deobandi syllabus, which Qwami madrasahs are supposed to be following have gone through reforms over the years. What are the reforms that should be pushed for now?

Educational reform is not a one-time deal. Reforming educational systems requires sincere and sustained efforts. Educational systems require adaptation to respond to contemporary needs; religious education is no different. Immutability cannot be the defining feature of any educational system. That's why the Deobandi curriculum has undergone various kinds of reforms since its founding in 1866-67. But there are many aspects of the Deobandi curriculum which have remained unchanged.

We must also be cognisant of the history of reforms of madrasah education in South Asia, namely India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. These efforts have not made significant headway, because they were either imposed from above (i.e. the state) or were conducted with no supervision from outside the madrasah sector (e.g. by ulema). There is a lesson to be learned – reform must be an inclusive process with all parties buying into the objectives of these changes. Thus far, there seems to be little agreement on the objective and its limit. The second key point is that it shouldn't be driven by immediate political gains. The first step for integration, therefore, is an agreement to examine the entire system, not only recognition of one or two degrees.

News Courtesy:

https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/interviews/will-lead-integration-1396846